This generation of Republican presidential candidates have the unique presence of South Asian, Indo-Americans, a demographic to whom this writer belongs (going forward, Indian American). While most Indian Americans lean Democratic, a notable few have risen through the ranks of the GOP with some less well-known in the Democratic Party (not to mention the current vice president). The quick admission into the elite fold is not without precedent. While the “model minority” myth is just that, our experience is not comparable to that of Latino Americans and other minority populations. Indians fulfill the new “American Dream,” advancing in an era of colorblindness, meritocracy, and without gendered “glass ceilings.” Privilege is masked by vulgar identity politics, allowing for easy access with the propertied classes. Proactive economic and political change will be found less in ‘identity’ and elite inclusion, but in worldwide worker solidarity.

The model minority myth of all “Asian Americans” being the well-to-do, hardworking, nice, and well-educated is understood as myth for good reason. Most Asian Americans have a middle-class income, but that is less true for Indian Americans, specifically after the 1965 immigration act which privileged the highly trained and educated. Thus, entry to the upper-middle class is often expected. On average, these families make over $100k and about 75% have a college degree. My own family is mixed-race and of mixed education. Myself, I have a master’s degree and with income commensurate with the professional-middle class, given my age.

Often, though not always, Indians are professionals and have social circles in well-to-do zip codes. Thus, we become ‘enlightened’ enough to look past barriers presented to those who ‘just didn’t make it.’ These candidates effectively pass for white, political elites. Social conservatism crosses into Indian politics as well. Prime Minister Modi of India shares attitudes and qualities of the American far-right. India only recently decriminalized same sex relationships, still confronts the legacies of caste discrimination, and now sees a rise in anti-Muslim bias exacerbated by the Modi government.

While most Indians lean Democratic, they are rising in the Republican Party — notably, Bobby Jindal — former LA governor, Nikki Haley, and Vivek Ramaswamy. Jindal said in 2015, “My dad and mom told my brother and me that we came to America to be Americans, not Indian Americans.” The demand to assimilate, embrace Evangelical “family values” (like upper-caste Hindus), and the meritocratic ideal, have allowed the worst, like Ramaswamy, to have a platform.

Why does Ramaswamy decry “Wokeness,” or Haley deny a “glass ceiling”? Why the anxiety over topics of sexism, race, and class? How is it so simple to embrace supply-side economics, lower welfare and increase SNAP requirements, and belittle public education? Ramaswamy and Haley work hard to sooth voters that their diversity is not political, it is simply our American values in practice. They represent colorblind Trumpism, of whom Ramaswamy is the most arrogant. In doing so, they cater to the worst of our political divisions and deepen the “swamp” of corporate power.

The immigrant experience will differ for Indians than with Chinese or Latino Americans, our context is less with controversy than with myth. Consider that a leading GOP candidate defends allowing Central American migrants to be designated as “terrorists” and shot on-sight. Pause should be given to how privilege and assimilation determine the conversations around immigration. Current labor demand for immigration is high on both ends of the ‘skilled’ spectrum, though demonization is directed one way.

Discrimination toward Indians does happen and could rise, possibly in the form of “punching up” at a ‘minority taking power’ from ‘real Americans.’ Candidates that deny American racism, praise colorblindness, and embrace free-market ideology, are probably sincere as they likely do face fewer hurdles. Aspects of the Democratic Party, too, mirror the “Brahmin-Left” — describing the status of liberal parties leaving behind union and working-class issues for identity politics and the well-educated. Modern capitalism makes a commodity of racial performance and furthers its interests by putting a brown face over the same policies that led us to our present crisis. Haley and Jindal exemplify this — success belongs to “individuals” devoid of the context of an individual.

Indo-American identity is not central to this election, nor should it. We can reflect on why our demographic embraces the conservative spotlight, as it’s possible more Indians will support these candidates seeking out representation. Pride can distract from the viciousness of poverty. Identity politics becomes a commodity to be sold, playing to our desire for affirmation and representation.

There is hope in the antiracist, feminist, and class-conscious tradition in the United States. Historically, the Indian and American left found common cause against racial and colonial oppression. Today, they can work to evolve beyond capitalism, and overcome the legacies of caste, racism, sexism, homophobia, and class. Universal healthcare, affordable college, a job guarantee, and making major corporations worker controlled — these could enable greater opportunities for all. To quote Bayard Rustin, “the problem can never be stated in terms of black or white,” but in terms of class.

Published at Herald and News, December 15, 2023